If we ‘restrain the self’(克己) and ‘return to the rites’(復禮) of the time when the sages ruled, everyone will be humane(仁) through which hard times will be overcome. Analects of Confucius conveys Confucius’ messages about how to cultivate virtues in the public sphere by participating in collective actions for ‘restraining the self’ and ‘returning to the rites.’ This article analyzes Analects of Confucius from a game theoretic perspective, and based on this, interprets the meanings having resided in politics of the learning of the Way(道學) in the Joseon Dynasty. Confucius dealt with collective action to realize public good, which requires charity(愛) and forgiveness(恕) (prisoner’s dilemma game), on the one hand, and collective action to recuperate public bads, which requires trust(信) and ritual propriety(禮) (assurance game), on the other hand. At two levels, that is, Confucius preached varieties of the Way(道) for cooperative collective action guiding to humanity. The learning of the Way originated from Confucius. In the ancient era, sage kings ruled the state in which governance by the Way and political governance were unified. Instead of having participated in political governance, Confucius tried to convey the Way by learning(學). Therefore the learning of the Way was inherently related to politics. Neo-Confucian scholars during the Song Dynasties highlighted the process of cultivating virtues in the public sphere in the term of learning. They participated actively in politics to accomplish the Way. However, Zhu Xi(朱子) interpreted Analects of Confucius from the perspective of heavenly principles(天理). From a comparative-historical perspective and from Confucius’ viewpoints, this paper interprets Joseon’s politics of learning the Way. During the Tokugawa period, Ogyu Sorai(荻生徂徠) argued for the separation of the principles of human nature(性理) from heavenly principles. This was the seed embedded with Japan to bring about active coping with the transition to modernity later. In comparison, the scholars of Joseon interpreted the relationship between heavenly principles and the principles of human nature as a relationship between li(理), the Principle, and ki(氣), the material forces. The li-ki debates during the entire period of the Joseon Dynasty opened the space for both universality and diversity of human being. Jeongam(靜庵) tried to strike a balance between heavenly principles and the Way by “contemplating with li(理)” but “conducting with the Way.” The learning of the Way was brought to the center of politics. The interests of scholars were shifted from philosophical thinking to worldly existence, institutions, and politics. Toegye(退溪) and Yulgok(栗谷) deepened the politics of learning the Way. Toegye laid a political foundation for faction(朋黨) politics in which the moral authority of the learned checked the political authority of king. The person who challenged the political realization of the learning of the Way in the true sense was Yulgok. He recognized human diversity and interpreted seven emotions(七 情) as an extension of goodness(善). From a historical perspective, Yulgok understood that the Joseon dynasty had entered into ‘a declining period of middle age’ and insisted that old institutions should be reformed. However, the politics pursued by Yulgok did not go beyond the boundaries of Sarim (士林: Confucian scholars). In the middle of Joseon Dynasty, the transition to modernity was yet to occur, but affinitity to modernity was embedded in the traditions of the politics of learning the Way.

The purpose of this study is to explore the basis for the acceptance and transformation of conservative Confucian scholars into modern politics through the Gwanilyak, which was conducted by Ryu In-seok and exiled Confucian scholars who defected to Primorsky Krai from the national and religional crisis after 1905. The main contents of this study are as follows. First, the Gwanilyak opened the eligibility to immigrants in Primorsky Krai and North Manchuria, and accordingly, it overcame the status-based character of the traditional Hyangyak. Second, the Gwanilyak affirmed the importance of the modern method of gathering and organizing opinions through the association, stimulated by the search for self-reliance movement in Korea and Primorsky Krai. Third, recognizing the need to expand power following the transition ‘from love of religion to love of the country’, it further clarified the character of a modern patriotic organization by opening its doors to migrants from Manchuria and Primorsky Krai in addition to existing sympathetic forces such as conservative Confucian scholars. Ryu In-seok’s leadership position in the formation of the 13th-degree army in June 1910 and the declaration of the statement in August 1910 was linked to the Gwanilyak. Although it did not reach the modern transition to accept civic politics, Ryu In-seok provided a movement and logic to respond to change, influencing the later colonial period orthodox Confucian scholars to develop national movements and civic politics.

Goam(顧庵) Lee Eungno(李應魯: 1904-1989) was one of the most well-known Korean painters. In the background of Lee Eungno’s unique world of art, various symbols and patterns of ancient culture, including earthenware from the Neolithic period in Northeast Asia, are reinterpreted and utilized. It was in the late 1970s that Lee Eungno was interested in earthenware patterns of the Neolithic culture in Northeast Asia and reflected them in his works. These parts have yet to be seen in the art world. Behind Lee Eungno’s ability to gain worldwide fame by working mainly in Europe, mainly in Paris, was his deep interest in ancient cultures and traditions in the East and his efforts to reconstruct and shape them anew. I am a person who studies ancient history, culture, thought, and religion in Northeast Asia, and many elements of Lee Eungno’s work are familiar. It is my opinion that many of Lee Eungno’s works cannot be deciphered without an understanding of the ancient culture of Northeast Asia. In this article, I conducted my own analysis on Goam’s works, which were reconstructed using earthenware patterns from the Neolithic period in ancient Northeast Asia. In particular, in Lee Eungno’s work, many earthenware patterns discovered in Yangshao culture(仰韶文化: BC 5000-3000), Qingliangang culture(靑蓮崗文化: BC 5400-4400) and Majiayao culture(馬家窯文化: BC 3300-2050) are reinterpreted and utilized. Until now, no critic or artist has ever seen these hidden elements in Lee Eungno’s paintings. I’ve only just started and I’ll study more in the future. In this article, I only analyzed the works of Lee Eungno that I could easily see through data collections. I think we can find more works if we analyze his entire work in depth. It’s already too late, but a ‘new reading’ of Lee Eungno’s world of work must begin. I think Lee Eungno is an in-depth painter who shows more than we think so far.

This study applied and analyzed the photovoice research method to explore the youth generation’s perception and experience of the phenomenon of hate against Korean society. As a result of analyzing the research participants’ photovoice reflection sheets and interviews, 3 areas, 7 categories, and 15 subcategories were derived, and the research results are as follows. First, the two reasons young people cited as causes of hate were ‘the shadow of a competitive society’ and ‘the harmful effects of the media.’ In a society where success and money are the highest standards, disastrously low self-esteem and extreme stress led to mental breakdown, and this psychology became the foundation for hate. The most important thing in a competitive society is success, and they work tirelessly to achieve a superior position, but the reality is not easy. As people become exhausted from unrewarded efforts and the wealth gap increases, psychological anxiety and groundless anger accumulate amid a sense of social alienation. Taking advantage of the anxiety of young people, the media took the lead in attempting to divide sides, carried fake news, and looked for targets of hate that were behind in the competition. Research participants were angry and criticized the media for taking the lead in inciting gender conflict among the young generation and publishing hateful language. As I watched the media, which had lost its sense of fairness, only provide articles that suited its own tastes and remained silent on the truth, I realized that the media was most responsible for promoting hate in Korean society. Second, the social changes brought about by the increase in hate were analyzed as ‘psychological division’ and ‘empathy-deficient society’. Recently, hate issues that have been popping up day after day have created a situation that is not just a simple conflict but a war of serious division of sides. They also criticize the maximization of narcissism and witch hunting on social media, which goes beyond hate and is heading towards crime. Research participants were concerned that the incitement of hatred had become more severe since the presidential election, and that hate was causing serious division and regression in Korean society as a whole. In the category called psychological division, young people expressed deep displeasure at the fact that some politicians took the lead hate in promoting and disseminating hateful frames and intentionally taking advantage of the youth generation. It was also criticized that Korean society, which has become a new class society due to the gap between rich and poor, has become an unequal society where it is natural to hate and denigrate the socially underprivileged for the benefit of the ruling class. In a society lacking empathy, it was believed that hate caused empathy to disappear and that society was not helping individuals with their difficulties at all and was actually encouraging and conflict. Third, the categories presented as alternatives to overcoming hate were derived as ‘value of solidarity’, ‘individual over nation’, and ‘restoration of social coexistence’. The importance of solidarity to provide an environment for coexistence and care for the socially underprivileged, efforts to overcome hate at the individual level, strong punishment for hate crimes, and restoration of fairness in the media were seen as important tasks. Research participants were unsure whether it would be possible to restore normal Korean society, where conflict and hate are rampant. Placing importance on the value of solidarity means that it is imperative to create an environment of coexistence where everyone’s dignity can be protected without anyone becoming the target of discrimination and hate. It emphasies the need to recognize that anyone can be a socially underprivileged target of hate and to make empathic efforts to understand the position and situation of others. Research participants suggested various alternatives for individual efforts to overcome hate, but expressed considerable skepticism about the role of the state and politicians, who are relatively responsible for the public. In addition, as hate has increased in Korean society, the country as a whole has become increasingly abnormal, expressing deep concern that discrimination and hate crimes are threatening democracy.

This research is a follow-up study of this author’s precedent research, ‘Euisang’s(義湘) 「Hwaeomilseungbeopgyedo(華嚴一乘法界圖)」embodied in time and space of Buseoksa Temple’. In the precedent study, the entry steps into Buseoksa Temple were interpreted with Euisang’s 「Hwaeomilseungbeopgyedo」, the areas of the past, the present and the future Buddha were classified, and space-temporality was deduced. In the follow-up study, it was approached through the traditional layout of the buildings in the style of one-pagoda, two-pagoda and Mountainous Garam(伽藍) arrangement in the pagodas and pavilions of Buseoksa Temple. In addition, the site of Buseoksa Temple has been an ideal spot around Bukak(北嶽) where traditional beliefs have been trusted since the ancient times, so has the expressions of Jeongto(淨土) ideology to make Hwaeomjong(華嚴宗) settle. Accordingly, the time and space of temples that appeared by the impact of pagodas and pavilions through traditional building layout, Hwaeom(華嚴) thought, ‘Fengshuijiri(風水地理) theory and others need to be interpreted. When the pagodas and pavilions to which the past, present and future temporality of Buseoksa(浮石寺) Temple as a Hwaeomjong temple has been added were interpreted into the layout of the traditional temple and traditional ideas from a modern viewpoint, it was found to have the following time-space characteristics. First, Muryangsujeon(無量壽殿) and the three-story stone pagoda of Buseoksa Temple is located on a slope and has the meaning Jeongto(淨土). Here, Muryangsujeon and pagoda have become territorialized respectively by using surrounding natural low hills, and it can be approached with the concept of multi-Buddha shrine combined with Mountainous Garam arrangement. The area of Muryangsujeon is the future Buddha, and the tower the present Buddha. Therefore, it’s been proved that the meanings of the area of Muryangsujeon and that of towers are expressed as the space-temporality of multi-Buddha shrine which is generally expressed in Hwaeom idea. Second, the twin three-story pagoda moved to Buseoksa Temple, Vairocana stone Buddh(毘盧遮那佛), and the excavation of the roof tile with engraved words of ‘Buseoksajuracheong(浮石寺 周羅廳)’ mean the growth of the past temple areas. In Joseon Dynasty, with the decline of Buddhism, the temples all around Bukjili(北枝里) area were closed, and ‘Buseoksajulacheong’ disappeared, The present Buseoksa Temple shows temporality of Hwaeom complemented by Jaindang’s(慈忍堂) Vairocana stone(the past Buddha) and twin three-story pagodas(the present Buddha). This rise and fall of Buddhism in each era’s politics and society including Silla(新羅), Goryeo(高句麗) and Joseon(朝鮮) reminds us of the meaning of Yeongi of human world through the flow of Saeng(生)ㆍJu(住)ㆍYi(異) ㆍMyeol(滅). It shows the potential that space of a traditional temple can be expanded into space-temporarlity embodying human society, and grow into the values bringing about architectural development. Third, as for Beomjonglu(梵鐘樓) and Anyanglu(安養樓) of Buseoksa Temple, the traditional pavilion architectural entry and the functions of a floor have been applied to Mountainous Garam arrangement. In addition to this, the traditional ideology of Bibio-Pungsu(裨補風水) and Buddhist scriptures(Buddhist-Pungsu(佛敎風水) and Jeongto ideology) have been materialized in terms of architecture in Buseoksa Temple. In other words, the pavilion of Buseoksa Temple reflects the systems of different traditional ideas, such as Nuhajinip(樓下進入), the functions of floor, Fengshui theory, Buddhist Pungsu and etc. The history that this traditional architecture has been succeeded until now and the traditional ideology in it has meanings in time and space inherited now. Therefore, Buseoksa Temple is expressed as the time and space of the form of traditional layout of temple buildings and traditional ideas before the founding era(Unified Silla) and Hwaeom with overlapped different time zones of history. Thus, the towers and pavilions of Buseoksa Temple need to be reborn as the contents of cultural asset helping people understand the areas of the past, present and future Buddha of Hwaeom, and their current values should be introduced.