This study aims to interpret the fundamental structure of human food consumption culture which is emerging in new forms during the recent transition into a convergence society. For this, social science theories that seek an integrated analysis of the bidirectional communication structure between the life world and the social system surrounding food consumption culture were applied, and the rationalization process of communication between these two domains was explored at both structural and procedural levels. Currently, food consumption culture and food and foodservice markets have an interactive character between the life world, which consists of a culture of emotional experience centered on personalization and cross-culturalization, and the social system that pursues the marketability of food consumption culture. Food consumption culture is an expression of human identity and serves as a cultural product in which humans are objectified by the structure of marketization within the social system. The human food consumption culture, established in its present form through the historical process of civilization, constitutes a social product with symbolic characteristics closely related to the market structure surrounding the human body, consciousness, and lifestyle. To understand the interaction order that mediates the food consumption culture of modern society in a concrete form, it is necessary to conceptualize actual cases of a bidirectional communication structure that exist in a figuration based on convergence values and analyze them with an overview. This study specifically describes the social facts in which online and offline distribution spaces and new areas of human life are formed, including the commercialization of a culture of emotional experience through the personalization and cross-cultualization of food consumption culture and the provision of experiential cultural services through marketization of food consumption culture. What can be observed through various social phenomena surrounding food, which embodies cultural diversity, is that the bidirectional communication structure surrounding food consumption culture is expanding within interactions between the life world, which represents the private domain of human food consumption, and the social system, which constitutes the public domain and is linked to the food and foodservice industries. Ultimately, the rationalization of food consumption culture constitutes a change that has emerged through the rational choices of the life world and the social system.

The purpose of this study was to compare national policies for young caregivers and to explore the direction of Korean young caregiver policies. With the 2024 nursing murder, the discourse of family care rapidly spread in Korea, centering on young people. Among them, children and adolescents who perform family care, that is, young caregivers, have not been the subject of major discussion, and even accurate terms have not been established. As an advanced case responding to this, we compared policy differences centering on cases in the UK, Australia, Sweden, and Japan, and attempted to categorize them according to country-specific characteristics. There are two distinct differences between Young Carer policies in each country. One is the subject of responsibility, and the subject of responsibility for Young Carer is the question of whether it is family or social. In the case of the family-centered type, the family's responsibility is prioritized in protecting the Young Carer, and social support is a form that complements the family's care. On the contrary, there is a “civil society type”that emphasizes that care is a social responsibility beyond the family. The other is the purpose of the Young Carer policy, and ultimately the goal of the policy is whether it is to protect or independent of Young Carer. From the perspective of protection, the Young Carer policy is on the same line with the existing welfare support, and from the perspective of independence, the dimension of children's rights is added to provide life-historical management and support. When the UK's Young Carer policy by country is categorized around these two axes, it is “civil society type-independence type”, Japan is “family-centered type-self-reliance type”, and Australia and Sweden are “civil society type-protection type”. When evaluating Korea's current Young Carer policy, it can be said that it belongs to the “family-centered type” with a strong perception of family responsibility and the “protection type” supported at the level of welfare for the socially disadvantaged. The concept of care is progressing from family to society, from protection to self-reliance worldwide, but the differences in the types of young care policy in each country reflect the socio-cultural environment. In the current situation, if Korean society advocates the Western model (UK) with developed civil society, it may take a long time to reach a social consensus. In Korean society, where family-centered culture is deeply rooted, “family-centered-self-reliance (Japan)” may be a realistic solution.

A pavilion is a space connecting the nature and human, transmits information of time or signal to the public, and accomplishes communicability with its open architectural openness. This communicability achieves the transitivity of space being located at the boundary between the front and back created by the entrance of the space in Buddhist temples, such as Bongjeongsa Temple and Buseoksa Temple. Furthermore, Numaru becomes a place where nature and humans, as well as humans and humans, communicate. In the Joseon Dynasty, Buddhist temples were occupied Confucian scholars who recited poetry in Buddhist temples installed pavilions in Seowon, using them as a medium to form a boundary between the interior and exterior.Although ordinary people could not enter Seowon, when events were held outside a pavilion at certain times, local elders were invited to Numaru for banquets, enjoying the spectacle and fostering communicability. Against this background, this study interprets the communicability of the pavilions at the Buddhist temples of 'Bongjeongsa' and 'Buseoksa,' and concludes that Confucian scholars who occupied Buddhist pavilions during the Joseon Dynasty influenced the architecture of Seowon. Therefore, it is necessary to discuss the communicability of the pavilions reflected in 'Oksan Seowon' and 'Byeongsan Seowon.' Additionally, it is necessary to clarify the content and changes in communicability reflected in the Confucian pavilions of Seowon architecture, influenced by Confucian scholars who occupied Buddhist pavilions during the Joseon Dynasty. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to spatially interpret the communicability of Korean pavilion architecture, analyze its change process, and discuss its characteristics in relation to contemporary architectural thought. The direction and scope of this study aim to define the communicative perspective in pavilion architecture and, from a synchronic perspective that delves into the historical development of pavilions, discuss Buddhist and Confucian architecture by incorporating scientific and literary ideas, with a focus on social communicability. The changes in pavilions viewed through the lens of communicability are interpreted based on Buddhist and Confucian architecture, and the architectural thoughts analyzed through their historical development are as follows. First, Early Buddhist pavilion architecture in Korea served to announce time in urban spaces, while in mountain temples, the bell tower acted as a communicative space, signaling prayer times at dawn and dusk. Additionally, in harmony with the beautiful natural environment, a pavilion's design led to changes in the space when entering from the front to the back, or facilitated communication between people and nature on Numaru. Second, Confucian pavilions were influenced by Buddhist pavilion architecture and began to be incorporated into architectural layouts from the mid-Joseon period. A pavilion was located at the boundary between the interior and exterior spaces of Seowon, inheriting the functions of the entrance and Numaru, and was used as a place for social communication with the surrounding villagers. Third, the common architectural concept of Buddhist and Confucian pavilions is that they are located at the boundaries of different spaces, where the absence of walls and the use of only columns allow the gaze to pass through, blurring the boundaries and creating a transition between the front and back spaces. Additionally, the upper Numaru is a space where people can enjoy the surrounding landscape and engage in communication with nature. Therefore, a pavilion should revive its inherent architectural functions of the entrance and Numaru, endowed with communicability, and elevate them into contemporary architectural thought.

Pung-sujili(風水地理) deals with the problem of how to understand space and time, and can be said to be an academic and cultural system that deals with how humans should live in this space and time. As this Pung-su(風水) became involved in the real world during the Joseon Dynasty, it resulted in the creation of social evils such as San-song(山訟) due to the delusion of the Ji-sa(地師) and people's selfish desires. Dasan(茶山) Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞), who witnessed this, is a Silhak(實學) scholar. In order to improve the social harmful effects of Pung-su(風水) and enlighten people, he wrote a book called 『Pungsujib-ui(風水集義)』, which discusses Pung-su(風水) in general by borrowing the views of Chinese confuncian scholars and adding his own thoughts. Therefore, through Dasan's 『Pungsujib-ui(風水集義)』, several conclusions about Pung-su(風水) were drawn. The conclusion is as follows: First, Dasan wrote 『Pungsujib-ui(風水集義)』 to enlighten people who were deluded by the theory of Pung-su(風水). Second, in ancient times, the turtle divination(占) and sichojeom(蓍草占) were set as an example of the new species, but did not have any good or bad meaning from the beginning. Third, originally, a funeral(葬)is about‘covering of body(藏)’. Fourth, the principle of synchronous response itself can be considered correct, but applying it to the dead cannot be considered correct. Fifth, choosing a land for burial is something that people should pursue as a human emotion(人情), but they should not attach their own welfare to it. Sixth, even a great Jangmu(葬巫) like Gwakbak(郭璞) could not prove his prophecy. Therefore, one should not be deceived by the words of Jangmu(葬巫), because money is involved in those words. Seventh, the theory of Pung-su(風水) is not inherently coherent. Therefore, Pung-su(風水) must be sternly defeated. The reason is because the experience of a sign(徵驗) in Pung-su(風水) could not be shown. However, Pung-su(風水) as an academic and cultural system that attempts to understand issues of space and time is not harmful in itself, but rather depends on how humans utilize it.